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| Eating
Their Hearts Out |
By
Lavina Melwani |
| The rag-tag army of
shadowy, often undocumented, workers in
America. |
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| If
your house is on fire, you run out and call
911. But when Sharda (name changed), who
lives in Richmond Hill, Queens, accidentally
caused a blazing fire in her kitchen while
making parathas, she frantically used flour,
water and an old blanket to put out the
flames that could have burnt her house down.
"She did not want to call the fire
department because there are eight other
people who live in her house and nobody
has any papers," says Chandra Bhatnagar,
director of AALDEF's South Asian Workers'
Project for Human Rights (SAWPHR).
Sharda, 65 and diabetic, is a member
of a family of illegal immigrants, part
of a rag-tag army of shadowy, often undocumented,
people not often acknowledged by affluent
Indian Americans as part of their community.
They live on the margins, working ungodly
hours on below minimum wages, almost not
breathing in order to avoid detection.
In recent years Indians have been publicly
touted and toasted as upwardly mobile
and highly educated, with ivy league and
IIT credentials. They are among the most
affluent, most educated and fastest growing
group in the United States, boasting the
highest median household incomes of any
ethnic group in the United States, including
Whites. But these impressive statistics
mask the real crisis among the impoverished
segments of the community, especially
among blue collar workers in large metro
centers, such as Chicago, Illinois, Los
Angeles and Houston.
Consider New York. The city's Indian
American population - the second-largest
Asian American group in the city - has
more than doubled during the past decade
and comprises principally of recent immigrants,
concentrated in Queens. More than three-quarters
of Indian Americans in New York City are
immigrants, almost twice the proportion
of other city residents.
According to a community profile prepared
by the Asian American Federation of New
York, almost one in five Indian American
New Yorkers - that is 35,666 people -
live below the poverty line. Half the
Indian American adults in the city have
only a post-secondary education. More
than a quarter of Indian American adults
in the city have not graduated from high
school and 13 percent have not even completed
ninth grade. The 2000 Census counted 250,000
South Asians in New York, but community
activists argue that is a significant
undercount.
The missing people, Bhatnagar says, are
disproportionately less educated, less
English speaking, less documented and
less likely to be aware of their rights
and more likely to be discriminated against
and exploited in their place of work.
That's a huge community of invisible
people. Let's meet a few of them...
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Dining
out at a restaurant may be heavenly, but
sometimes, backstage, the lives of the
cooks, waiters, busboys and washers can
be something straight out of hell.
Ask Mahesh Sharma. This Mumbai native
left India with his wife and children
in 1990 for a better life in America
and became yet another nameless cog
in the bustling restaurant scene in
Manhattan.
Fourteen years later, at the age of
44, he says, he is still illegal, still
without health insurance, still working
90 to 100 hours weekly, often without
overtime pay.
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The irony,
he claims, is that thrice his labor certification
has been approved, and each time the restaurant
owner balked at paying him on the books
and fired or let him go. Sharma agonizes
over the $5,000 fees he paid the lawyers
each time, the wasted time and effort.
Every five years he seems to be back on
square one, no closer to achieving legal
status, struggling with low pay and long
hours.
This last time, he alleges in a lawsuit
filed in the U.S. District Court, the
sponsoring restaurant not only declined
to sign his labor certification, but also
held back three weeks of salary and refused
to return the security deposit Sharma
had to give when he started on the job.
In his lawsuit, Sharma alleges, that
while the prevailing wage for a chef of
his skill was $19 per hour in 2001, he
was paid less than the federal and state
minimum wage. Throughout his employment,
he claims, he never received worker overtime
pay and could be summoned to work any
time of the day or night. On a day that
he had a tooth extracted, he alleges,
he was required to return to work on the
same day.
Says Sharma: "For three years they
worked me like a slave. I had no papers,
that's why they used me. They pay me dishwasher's
money, and I'm a chef. My life has drifted
away."
His 14 years in this country have emboldened
him to try to finally have his voice heard.
He says, "I'm not stealing. I'm working
hard. These owners are Indians. It's not
like they came from the moon. It's Indians
treating their own fellow Indians like
this. They should be guiding us on how
to get one step ahead."
With the help of Andolan, a worker's
advocacy group based in Jackson Heights,
and the NYU Immigrants Rights Clinic,
Sharma filed a lawsuit against a Manhattan
restaurant for back wages and overtime.
Krishnan Chittur, attorney for the defendants,
asserts Sharma's lawsuit is meritless.
"We completely concur with professed
goals of organizations such as Andolan
and Immigrant Rights' Clinic to ensure
compliance with minimum wage and other
laws by businesses. But they have commenced
this action without proper investigation.
When the truth concerning Mr. Sharma's
employment is uncovered during these legal
proceedings, they will be embarrassed,
if not shocked, at what actually happened."
The facts in this case will likely play
out in a federal courtroom in New York.
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Whatever the outcome of Sharma's case, however,
community activists assert, thousands of
other undocumented workers are vulnerable
and frequently exploited.
Restaurant Opportunities Center of New
York (ROC-NY), a restaurant workers advocacy
group formed to assist displaced workers
from Windows on the World, which was destroyed
in the World Trade Center attacks, surveyed
over 500 workers in the restaurant industry.
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According to Saru Jayaraman,
director of ROC-NY, nearly 70 percent of
the restaurant workers in New York are immigrants
and 35 percent of them are undocumented.
The survey found that about 16 percent of
the workforce makes below minimum wage;
56 percent of those who work more than 40
hours a week do not receive proper overtime
payments and a whopping 75 percent of the
industry does not have health insurance.
"It is an industry with a lot of immigrants
who are very vulnerable to abuse and exploitation,"
Jayaraman says. "The employers are
able to get away with whatever they want
partly because there is no union presence
or organizing presence in the industry,
with nobody to defend the workers."
Sharma, who has worked in several different
restaurants over the years, says the the
exploitation is widespread. He says: "I've
seen a lady fainting in the kitchen, making
chapattis all day. There's no air-conditioning
or even proper exhaust fans, you sweat,
you have to change your clothes three-four
times."
Sharma claims that thousands of undocumented
immigrants who are being abused do not come
forward because they are afraid they will
be thrown out or handed over to the police.
Almost all the workers in the ROC-NY survey
said they had been burnt or cut on the job.
By law restaurants are required to have
workers compensation insurance for accidents
like that, but according to Jayaraman, many
restaurants don't provide it.
"So when accidents happen, they fire
the workers or send them home, and the workers
have no way to pay the hospital bills,"
she says. "It's a very high-risk job.
There are not only kitchen dangers, but
also repetitive stress injuries for waiters
who can get back disorders from carrying
heavy trays."
Some employers prefer undocumented workers
because they can keep them on a short leash.
Dangling the promise of sponsorship, they
manage to get unlimited hours at below minimum
wage. And the abuse is not only at small
hole-in-the-wall eateries, but sometimes
at some of New York's finest dining spots.
"Go to Iraq, die over there!"
"You're sending money to Al Qaeda,"
were some of the taunts that Abdul Hamid,
who is Bangladeshi, says were hurled at
him at a swanky restaurant, where he worked
as a food runner, between the kitchen and
the waiters. He says he was taunted as a
terrorist and ultimately fired. The restaurant
rejects Hamid's charges of discrimination
and racial taunts.
Jayaraman says there is a definite demarcation
line in many upscale restaurants, where
the front waiters are white and all the
back waiters are immigrants - Latinos, Bengalis,
Moroccans. "It's like a front of the
bus, back of the bus segregation situation,"
she says.
"Restaurant owners will openly admit
this is a common practice in the industry.
They will take young white actors and students
and without any experience put them upfront
immediately and they'll have immigrants
who have been working in the restaurant
for 20 years sometimes, have all the experience,
and may even have trained the white workers
and they will be kept at the back. They
don't want them interacting with the wealthy
clients or getting the big tips."
So while wait staff and bartenders get
excellent salaries and working conditions,
with some making $100,000, the median annual
salary for restaurant workers is $20,000.
Workers on the lower end can struggle on
less than minimum wage with no overtime
or benefits.
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| During the last 10 years some
of the toniest restaurants have become part
of corporate conglomerates, mini empires
that really wield the most power in the
industry, with very successful restaurateurs
owning seven or eight very high cost restaurants
in New York city. "We decided to focus
on improving conditions in those restaurant
empires as a way of signaling to the rest
of the industry that they had to clean up
their act," says Jayaraman.
ROC-NY is lobbying for a bill in the
New York City Council that would strip
the operating license of any restaurant
that violates labor, minimum wage or overtime
laws, or discriminates or fails to provide
worker's compensation insurance.
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| Chuck Hunt, executive
vice president of the New York State Restaurant
Association (NYSRA), denies that the exploitation
of restaurant workers is endemic. "There
are 23,000 full service operations in
New York. 99.9 percent are responsible
operators. There might be a very small
percentage that don't follow the rules,
that exploit people and do bad things,
but it's very, very slight compared to
the total number. Yes, sure there is a
bad apple or two here, just as there is
in any other business."
He points out that NYSRA instructs its
members in the law and urges that they
comply with it, and that goes for immigration
and the worker documentation rules as
well. He adds, "All responsible restaurant
operators operate under the laws of the
U.S. and they obey them. There are certainly,
no question about it, people who don't
operate in that manner and our industry
does not encourage it."
Hunt notes that while the law does not
require that a business provide health
insurance or benefits, many still offer
it to attract and retain good workers.
He gives the example of Red Lobster, which
provides full health benefits from the
very first day of employment even though
it's not unionized: "It's the decision
of the owner and the business." |
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| Advocacy groups like ROC,
Workers' Awaaz and Andolan are trying to
educate the workers about their rights,
but as Jayaraman points out, many workers
are just too intimidated to take on the
system: "We need at least three people
to come forward from a restaurant to start
a campaign. We are looking to change the
industry, make a change in the restaurant
and not just help individuals. Workers come
in from Indian restaurants, but they are
too afraid to form a group. That happens
time and time again." Sometimes
a calamity pushes them to take a stand,
such as when several South Asian workers
at a Queens restaurant arrived for work
one morning to find the door padlocked,
as the owners had left for India. |
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Not only were they not
paid their wages, but many also claimed
they lost almost $100,000 they had loaned,
along with several other small businessmen,
to the owners to buy the building as an
investment. The workers says they had
been told that once the building was purchased,
they would be able to live there.
The workers turned to Andolan for help,
and the director, Nahar Alam, worked in
collaboration with Asian American Legal
Defense Fund's (AALDEF) South Asian Workers'
Project for Human Rights (SAWPHR), a legal
services project for low wage South Asian
workers.
"Restaurant workers and construction
workers are probably the two largest groups
that we work with," says Chandra
S. Bhatnagar, staff attorney at AALDEF
and director of SAWPHR: "The conditions
for restaurant workers, especially in
the South Asian community, are very bad.
We try to work with the workers to bring
cases in court against the employers or
to pressure the employers through demonstrations
and public education campaigns."
He points out that the employers create
a dependent relationship with the workers
where some money is held back and workers
have to keep working just to make enough
to eat and to recoup the money that is
owed: "It's a very abusive relationship
and it's very easy for the employers to
get away with it."
Ataur Rehman, a Bangladeshi banquet waiter
at the legendary Windows on the World
for 20 years, has quite a different story.
In this perfect place he made a good salary,
got great tips and was part of the union.
By sheer luck, he was off duty when the
WTC bombings occurred, first in 1993 and
then again in 2001.
But life changed completely on 9/11.
He was supposed to report to work at 10.30
a.m. and as the towers fell, he watched
on television, stunned, as the place he
had worked for 20 years, disappeared before
his eyes. A refugee who fled war in Bangladesh,
he has been traumatized again by his close
calls in WTC and the death of 73 of his
co-workers, and is on disability for emotional
problems.
Now, thanks to ROC-NY, Rehman may soon
be the owner of his own restaurant. The
organization has located investors and
is launching a co-operatively owned restaurant
with 40 workers displaced from the WTC
restaurants, in which they will lend only
sweat equity but will share the profits.
Says Jayaraman: "This will serve
as a model to the industry to show them
that you can treat your workers well and
pay them well and still make a profit.
It would also create a new group of owners
who are actually workers who could advocate
within the owner's lobby for greater workers
rights."
While Ataur Rehman's ship might finally
come in with the opening of this dream
restaurant, for the majority of New York's
undocumented restaurant workers it is
still a long, unending night without decent
pay or benefits.
Sharma says ruefully, "I came here
to make my life brighter and it's like
being in a dark room. I don't see the
future."
Prisoner in Four Walls
Surya's (name changed) youngest child
was only two years old when she left her
five children and husband in Bangalore,
to work as a domestic worker in Kuwait.
The tantalizing promise of $2,000 a month
made her join a diplomat and his family
who were headed for New York. Once there,
she claims she was a virtual prisoner
who had to work from 6 a.m. to late night,
looking after the children, cooking and
cleaning. Her salary was $200 a month
and when she questioned her employers,
they told her that even a big officer
in India wouldn't get $2,000.
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called from India, she says, she was often
not allowed to speak with them, and sometimes
her employers wouldn't even give her their
letters. She recalls, "I was never
allowed to leave the building alone. For
four years I couldn't leave the house."
Surya was accountable for every minute
of her time to the mistress of the house,
and claims she was often beaten and abused.
"I had to keep my grief and my pain
to myself. I had no one here," says
Surya. "I did this to make a better
life for my husband and children."
In the meantime, her husband passed away
and she did not have the money to return.
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She never had access to her
passport, which was kept locked. On the
day before the family was to return to Kuwait
for a vacation, she found it on a table
in the bedroom and while the couple was
out, she grabbed it and jumped into a taxi,
without a bag or belongings. The driver
was from India and after hearing her story
took her to a Hindu temple in Queens.
At the temple she found asylum and for
a year she stayed there and in return cooked
the daily food. Gradually, through interaction,
she found a job as a babysitter and also
a lawyer to take up her case. Now she works
two jobs, shares an apartment with a roommate
and through Andolan, the workers' advocacy
group, she has found support: "I am
not alone anymore because they are there
to help me."
Andolan, working with New York Asian Women's
Center's CRT (Community Response to Trafficking)
project, has applied for a T-Visa for her,
which provides a legal status to victims
of trafficking. Says Tenaz Dubash, co-ordinator
of the CRT's South Asian program: "CRT
works in each community with a co-coordinator
and organizers to develop a community specific
response to trafficking, because each community
has a different dynamic to trafficking."
Human trafficking is a form of modern day
slavery where workers are lured by false
promises and then forced to work as agricultural
laborers, sex workers, domestic workers
or as bonded labor in sweat shops and factories.
According to the State Department, 18,000
to 20,000 individuals are trafficked into
the United States annually.
Once Surya's papers come through, she hopes
to be reunited with the children who have
grown up in her absence; two of the daughters
have even got married. Her youngest daughter
was only 2 when she left. Now she is 10.
Few people who qualify for the T-visa actually
know about it. South Asian, Russian, Mexican
and Chinese communities are particularly
vulnerable to trafficking and are termed
at risk groups.
Nadra Qadeer, director of Safe Horizon's
anti-trafficking program, recalls receiving
a call from a man who said that his aunt,
a domestic worker, was being held by her
employers against her will. She had been
brought in and for 12 years had never been
allowed out of the house alone.
Says Qadeer, "People who are being
held for many years in a house - how do
they take the subway, when they are free
how do they learn to live here?" Safe
Horizon's program for victims of trafficking
helps them to get adjusted and find housing,
a lawyer and a support system.
Then there are scores of domestic workers
who came here willingly enough and so do
not qualify for the T-Visa, but still undergo
the indignities of low pay, employer abuse
and long hours of work without overtime.
Many domestic workers subsist in difficult
working conditions, isolation and labor
all hours of the day and night, sometimes
at below minimum wage.
All too often, the abuse is by employers
who are educated and affluent and are from
the same community as the workers. The horror
stories are many, of domestic workers being
made to sleep in unheated basements and
given unending tasks at all hours of the
day, with no free time. Organizations like
Andolan and Workers Awaaz help these workers
become aware of their rights and sometimes
sue their employers for abuse and back wages.
The Scaffolding of Dreams
Imagine working on a construction site
in a blasting area without a hard hat or
on a platform three or four stories high
on scaffolding without a safety harness.
These incidents have happened to Indian,
Pakistani and Bangladeshi workers in the
construction industry, and have sometimes
resulted in injury.
"We see workers with back, head and
leg injuries. And because so many of them
don't have papers, they don't have medical
care," says Bhatnagar. "Sometimes
they go to the emergency room to get treated,
but the employer will not pay for any injuries
they undergo."
Many South Asians are employed in the construction
industry as day laborers and an injury can
be double jeopardy for the worker, because
without work, he doesn't get paid. A day
laborer is hired by the day, and a rainy
day means a day's wages lost. Adds Bhatnagar:
"Last year for some reason there was
a lot of rain and so many workers had many
days they couldn't work and so the price
of labor went down."
Chaumtoli Haq, an attorney with MFY Legal
Services, represents low income workers
and has worked with a number of community
organizations. She says that although construction
workers are unionized, they have few South
Asian members. Most South Asian construction
workers, she says, labor in non-union workplaces
and on private residential jobs. Construction
work is done by contractors and subcontractors;
the subs-contractors are generally South
Asians, but the general contractors are
not.
"Non-payment of wages is the typical
problem," she says. "In one case,
a group of workers worked on a city funded
project where the law requires higher wage,
but the workers were not paid. We brought
a complaint through the City Comptroller's
Office and were able to recover their wages."
Mohammad Kamal Passa, a 49-year-old construction
worker from Bangladesh, has seen the rough
side of the industry. Since he speaks only
Bengali, Urvashi Sen, a Columbia Law School
graduate who volunteers with SAWPHR, translated
for him.
"Construction work is a very hard
job," he says. " Workers have
a lot of injuries, a lot of times people
get injured in accidents, or even killed.
I too have had a lot of injuries on my jobs,
one time a bone in my foot was crushed."
Sometimes the contractors had insurance
and would pay the medical bills, but occasionally
some would not: "One time I got metal
stuck in my eye and my hand, and it was
bleeding a lot. The contractor I worked
for said he would give me money for the
treatment, but he didn't give me anything.
I had to pay for it."
He concedes that while there are good employers
out there, some are really bad.
One contractor he worked with never paid
him, each month promising that he would
pay him the following month, he says, until
the amount had snowballed to $35,000. He
filed a case through SAWPHR in 2001 as a
result of which, he says, he recovered $24,000
in a settlement three years later.
Passa says that contractors pay workers
from the money they get from developers,
and some "when they get paid, they
use the money to buy their own houses and
cars and they don't pay their laborers."
SAWPHR combines litigation with community
organizing and policy work too, and has
seen a range of worker from janitors to
street vendors, gas station attendants,
domestic workers and restaurant staff. Low
wages and long hours are endemic.
"The conditions are very bad because
many of the workers don't have documentation,
frequently they don't speak English and
they are not necessarily aware of their
rights as workers," says Bhatnagar.
"We work with them to pressure the
employers through public demonstrations
and legal action, and also educate the workers
themselves through outreach in partnership
with community organizations."
While the Indian American community is
seen as very successful, Bhatnagar cautions
against assuming that they are the majority
and representative of the community: "People
are janitors and street vendors and we shouldn't
fool ourselves to believe, like many successful
members of the community would want to,
that everyone is a doctor, or an engineer
or in IT."
However, this abuse of undocumented and
low wageworkers is by no means limited to
the South Asians. It is equally widespread
among Mexican, Dominican, Hispanic and other
immigrant communities, which have even a
higher proportion of blue collar workers.
It is part of a larger pattern and South
Asian community activists are striving to
join forces with other workers, crossing
the cultural and racial divide.
Racial profiling and police harassment
have always been problems for people of
color, but Sept. 11 has made it even harder
for low income South Asian workers, because
in this new belligerent atmosphere they
are even more fearful of coming forward
to speak out against the exploitation.
"Immigrant communities are always
at risk for discrimination and historically
have been," says Alex Reinert, an attorney
with Koob and Magoolaghan, a civil rights
law firm that has represented several workers.
"New immigrants are often concentrated
in low wage industries. It is always a problem
in terms of the power that they have to
challenge unfair decisions made by their
employers. Their access to justice and remedies
when they are treated unfairly has always
been a difficult issue."
The good news is that young South Asians,
some of whom are graduates of ivy league
law schools, are coming to the aid of low
wage workers in their community through
voluntary partnerships with worker advocacy
groups.
The construction worker Mohammad Kamal
Passa is a beneficiary of one such alliance.
He says: "Most workers in the construction
industry have no knowledge about where to
go and how to get their money. If more and
more people help, maybe the bad contractors
will get scared and stop cheating their
workers. Then they will know that they can't
cheat us because there are those out there
who care to help us."
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