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January 2005
February 2005
March 2005
 
 
A Lott of Change

By Achal Mehra

The party of Abraham Lincoln may now get a second chance.

The forced resignation of Trent Lott from his position as Senate majority leader could potentially have as seismic an effect on race and politics in the coming decades as did the events of 1948 that he was seemingly eulogizing.
Lott found himself in the cross-hairs, disavowed both by President George Bush and the Republican Party establishment, for his comments at former Sen. Strom Thurmond’s 100th-birthday celebrations in December: “I want to say this about my state: when Strom Thurmond ran for President, we voted for him. We’re proud of it. And if the rest of the country had followed our lead, we wouldn’t have had all these problems over all these years, either.”
Thurmond had run for president as a Dixiecrat, on a segregation platform and a pledge that “all the laws of Washington and all the bayonets of the Army cannot force the Negro into our homes, our schools and churches.” Thurmond was trounced in the race and later repudiated his racist views. However, he won four Southern states in the 1948 elections, a fact not lost on Republicans who had until then been locked out of the Southern Democratic stranglehold.
As the civil rights movement gained steam, successive Republican leaders used overt and covert racist appeals to lure disaffected and alienated Southern voters, culminating in the total sweep of the South in 1972 by President Nixon. In every presidential election since 1980, Republicans have overwhelmingly prevailed in the South, sweeping every Southern state in 1984, 1988 and 2000.
The fall of Lott, whose comments were neither out of character for him, nor indeed his party, was precipitated by the new political dynamics now in play. Republican analysts have begun recognizing that the deepest and widest partisan schism in American politics is race, and as the minority population in the country swells, the political cards Republicans hold could prove deadly. In the last presidential elections, Whites voted for Bush over Gore by 54% to 42%. By contrast, African-Americans supported Gore over Bush by 90% to 9%. The partisan polarization is no greater on any other issue or demographic characteristic — not abortion, not gun ownership, not income, not gender. Democrats are perceived as sympathetic to minorities, who form their political base, and Dixiecrat-winking Republicans are the home of White males.
The polarization has proven beneficial for Republicans thus far, solidifying their hold on the South especially. But now it poses risks. By the middle of this century, projections are that Whites will no longer be a majority. Indeed, a presidential advisor was recently quoted in the Wall Street Journal as stating that Bush would be defeated in 2004 if he captured the same proportion of each racial group’s vote as he did in 2000.
The Republican establishment is fast recognizing that it needs to enhance its appeal and grow among minority groups for future electoral success and in George Bush, who has a strong record with the Hispanic community from his home state of Texas, they may have found a potentially appealing messenger.
The crisis that Lott spawned for his party may yet turn out to be an opportunity for the GOP to eschew its racially divisive past and cultivate its appeal among minority communities. Indeed, the GOP’s cultural and economic agenda — on abortion, family values, faith, taxes, etc. — has considerable resonance among many minority groups, especially such affluent ones as the Indian Americans. However, the GOP’s race-baiting past has precluded it from making much headway among African Americans and other minorities. Depending upon how they grab the opportunity that Lott’s mistake provides, the party of Abraham Lincoln may yet get a second chance.



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